Blog

  • Information Privacy: Blog Post (Panel 6)

    Information Privacy: Blog Post (Panel 6)

    By:Harry Grabow

    http://www.marketplace.org/2016/02/10/business/new-frontier-voter-tracking

    http://fusion.net/story/268108/dstillery-clever-tracking-trick/

    http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/onpolitics/2016/02/08/company-tracked-iowa-caucusgoers-phones/80005966/

    In the first United States Presidential campaign since the 2013 Snowden, candidates have expressed varying opinions of both the man and the reality he exposed: while some have mildly praised his impact on the privacy discourse while questioning the legality and intelligence of his conduct (see here and here), others have gone as far as insisting that he is a traitor, or even an active Russian spy, prompting a response from the Kremlin itself.

    However, while the candidates’ focus remains on the legitimate national security and civil liberties implications of government surveillance, another use of data collection is taking the campaign season by storm: the creation of voter profiles based on mobile device advertising profiles of individuals at polling places. Traditionally the domain of phone-based public polling and on-site exit polls, digital advertising company Dstillery engineered a way – both creative and creepy in equal measure – to track voter preferences by matching mobile device identifiers present at the geographical locations of caucus sites, to the digital advertising profiles of the device’s owners. Specifically, they monitored the real-time ad bidding that occurs each time a mobile device opens an app or web site, captured the identification associated with the service of an ad, and then further researched additional characteristics associated with that mobile device.

    Though not conducted with the scientific rigor of a public poll, the results captured voter characteristics not usually polled by campaigns. For example, according to an analysis of the results conducted by USA Today: voters expecting a newborn child tend to be Republican and had a greater concentration at Senator Marco Rubio’s caucus sites; voters in locations with strong support for Donald Trump had a penchant for outdoor activities and home improvement; and tech-industry workers and enthusiasts were more concentrated in Senator Bernie Sanders’ caucus sites than those of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

    In an interview with news site Fusion, a representative from Dstillery explained, “One thing that isn’t in the data is personal identifiable information. The data and system are completely anonymous. We have no idea, for example, what your name is. All we see are behaviors and everything we do is based on analyzing those behaviors writ-large.”

    So, while identifying individual voters and their preferences through this method of data collection might not be a present concern, the prospect of campaigns themselves utilizing these tactics might subject Iowans to an even greater saturation of political advertising in 2020, on top of the astounding $70 million spent in 2016. And, with many Iowans lamenting the constant barrage of TV and radio ads, campaigns might be eager to attempt this new, more subtle approach

  • PRG News Roundup: March 23rd

    PRG long-time participant Luke Stark’s research on emotion has been published in Information Society: https://starkcontrastdotco.files.wordpress.com/2014/09/01972243-2015.pdf

    DOJ postpones hearing on Apple case: http://fortune.com/2016/03/21/doj-court-hearing-apple-postpone/

    Utah tests online voting in state caucus: http://www.npr.org/2016/03/22/471474745/utah-republicans-to-test-online-voting-in-states-caucus

     

  • Privacy Blog

    Privacy Blog

    By: Mary Churan Huang

    http://www.irishtimes.com/business/technology/google-eu-s-data-protection-authorities-have-absolute-focus-on-privacy-1.2556597

    This article discusses the positions taken by some of the world’s largest multinational companies in respect of the EU’s incoming General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The GDPR is set to replace the existing EU Data Protection Directive of 1995. There is a need to update the existing privacy laws in the EU as the technology evolution has accelerated and the current framework does not properly cover critical issues such as social networks and cloud computing. The GDPR is designed to be a more comprehensive and wide-ranging legal framework which will apply EU-wide, transcending any local privacy laws. The GDPR is intended to strengthen and unify data protection within the EU so that there will be one single legal framework within the EU. This would allow for international businesses to more easily comply with the EU privacy framework while allowing for more comprehensive protection for EU residents.

    Both Google and Microsoft seems to regard the GDPR as a necessary step in data protection but does not anticipate a major change in their respective companies’ policies as they have already undertaken significant steps to enhance privacy over the years. Microsoft is concerned about the heavy penalties set out in the GDPR and has indicated that the new regime will be a great test of whether their privacy controls are working the way they should be. Google indicated that it will be working closely with the regulators to find a rational way of interpreting some of the ambiguities contained in the GDPR.

    Adobe seems to be more critical of the GDPR, expressing its disappointment that the framework is not as unifying as it is intended to be. Adobe is of the view that new framework will still be fragmented and subject to interpretation by local authorities. The responses by these major multinational companies are unsurprising considering that any new regime would bring about much uncertainty. However, all these companies have expressed a willingness to comply and work with the relevant regulators to find a solution.

  • A Consumer Privacy Legislation? A Highly Debated Proposal since 2012

    A Consumer Privacy Legislation? A Highly Debated Proposal since 2012

    By: Ida Faustine Jacotey

    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/29/technology/obamas-effort-on-consumer-privacy-falls-short-critics-say.html

    In February 2012, the White House, released “A framework for protecting Privacy and promoting innovation in the Global Digital Economy”, thereby presenting a new Consumer Privacy Bill of Rights described by the presidency as a “blueprint for privacy in the information age”.[1]

    President Obama’s proposal aimed to establish a consumer privacy framework in order to provide consumers with clear guidance on what they can expect from companies[2] handling their personal information, as well as setting obligations for companies using personal data[3]. As stated in the reference article, President Obama intended to see the Consumer Privacy Bill of Rights’ principles put into law, throughout a conjoint work between the Administration and the Congress.

    Four years later, in February 2016, Natasha Singer, journalist for The New York Times, raises the question as to why the President’s proposed framework has not moved forward.

    This question seems particularly relevant today, as the US is hosting an overwhelming fight between Apple and the FBI, bringing therefore greater attention into consumers’ privacy issues.

    Such Proposal is born in a context where technology has strongly stepped into the commercial world. As a result, in 2012 like today, consumer privacy was and still is a major concern in the US, particularly since the Snowden Revolution, which brought alarming revelations related to privacy and data collection to the public eye.

    From a consumer’s perspective, because privacy policies often appear obscure and/or complicated, it seems easier and almost mandatory to rely on trust when one subscribes to a service. Therefore, when the FTC brings actions against companies, consumers’ concern as to the collection and use of their personal information increases. This is particularly true when major companies such as Google or Facebook are involved, since they are an inherent part of most Americans’ lives. Such cases involving big-scale companies are likely to be assimilated as proofs of the industry’s tendency to abuse consumers’ trust.

    As highlighted in this article by Cameron F. Kerry, a former Department of Commerce’s general counsel, a loss of trust is neither desirable from the industry’s point of view.

    In the US, companies enjoy a large freedom to set up their own privacy policies. We know that many companies look closely to the FTC’s actions, particularly because the FTC has been increasingly active and has had a strong influence within the industry to consequently adapt their privacy policies. Despite this evident freedom that US companies enjoy to collect and use data of consumers, the industry seems aware that privacy practices require continuous adjustments to meet with consumers’ reasonable expectations as to the use and collection of data. Some companies took the relevant steps and efforts in enforcing consumer privacy protection, but some have not.

    In the one hand, this context demonstrates a lack of any pragmatic instrument that would provide consumers with some level of guarantee that their privacy remains protected. In the other hand, this great flexibility is also the reason why American companies continue to innovate so much.

    Consequently, there is a significant divergence of opinions about whether a legislation is desirable in the consumer privacy context. Because this ideological war is not new – and not over yet-, Natasha Singer mentions “a tale of clashing visions for American society and commerce”.

    Two confronting ideas are causing the proposal to freeze: Companies’ free access to consumers’ personal information susceptible to cause them harm in many ways against the will to allow American technology companies to continue innovating with data.

    In 2012, for the first time, the White House considered individual rights as a priority in the commercial privacy world[4]. This step fed the debate opposing consumer advocates (“pro-legislation”) and industry advocates (against the legislation).

    As revealed by this article, some advocates argue that there is already a sufficient number of federal laws with specific limitations to companies’ use of consumer records. However, the privacy advocates points out the fact that these existing acts are specific to some companies and that the bill would instead target any companies rather than certain categories only.[5]

    While the debate concerning this legislation still runs, the industry is nevertheless active, and the article points out some notable improvements that have been made since 2012, such as the data disclosure charts devised as a result from numerous discussions on mobile app transparency[6].

     

    [1] www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/privacy-final.pdf, Introductory Note, page 3

    [2] www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/privacy-final.pdf, Executive Summary, listing the key principles of the Bill, or “Fair Information Practice Principles” (FIPPs)

    [3] www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/privacy-final.pdf, Introduction page *7*

    [4] www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/privacy-final.pdf, Introduction: page *5* “Strengthening consumer data privacy protections in the United States is an important Administration priority. Americans value privacy and expect protection from intrusions by both private and govern- mental actors.”

    [5]http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/28/business/white-house-proposes-broad-consumer-data-privacy-bill.html, Natasha Singer for the New York Times, February 27, 2015, “There are already a number of federal laws, like the Fair Credit Reporting Act and the Video Privacy Protection Act, that limit how companies may use certain specific consumer records. The new proposed bill, the Consumer Privacy Bill of Rights Act, is intended to fill in the gaps between those statutes by issuing some baseline data-processing requirements for all types of companies” and Senator Edward J. Markey stating that “Instead of codes of conduct developed by industries that have historically been opposed to strong privacy measures, we need uniform and legally enforceable rules that companies must abide by and consumers can rely upon”.

    [6] “The yearlong discussions on mobile app transparency ultimately resulted in a subset of the participants getting together on their own time to devise data disclosure charts — akin to nutrition labels on food packages — that apps could display for consumers.”

  • PRG News Roundup: March 2nd

    On Monday, the European Commission issued the legal texts that will put in place the EU-US Privacy Shield, and replace the former Safe Harbour framework. The Privacy Shield will not come into effect until the European Commission completes its findings to determine whether the new framework offers equivalent data protections to standards within the EU. [Ars Technica – “Privacy Shield” proposed to replace US-EU Safe Harbor, faces skepticism]

    The U.S. Supreme Court ruled against efforts to establish a public database to track the quality and cost of health care by private healthcare providers, arguing it is precluded by the 1974 Employee Retirement Income Security Act preventing states from imposing requirements on insurance companies to disclose data on self-funded plans. [NPR – Supreme Court Strikes at States’ Efforts on Health Care Transparency]

    The director of the FBI, James Comey, admitted the agency tried to gain access to the iPhone of the San Bernadino shooters in the 24 hours after the attack, and only asked Apple to unlock the phone after an unsuccessful iCloud password reset locked officials out of the account. [NYTimes – FBI Error Locked San Bernadino Attacker’s iPhone]

    In related news, a federal magistrate judge in New York has rejected the U.S. government’s request to gain access to data from a locked iPhone in a drug case. [The Intecept – Apple Wins Major Court Victory Against FBI in a Case Similar to San Bernadino]

    Governor Dennis Daugaard of South Dakota vetoed a bill that would have required transgender students in public schools to use bathrooms based on the gender they were assigned at birth. [NPR – South Dakota Governor Vetoes Bill Stipulating Transgender Students’ Bathroom Use]

     

  • Digital Ellis Islands

    American tech companies, especially those running social networking sites, often pride themselves on giving voice and information to oppressed netizens around the world. Many commend Twitter’s role in facilitating coordination and information flow during the 2009 Iranian presidential election process. Even the U.S. State Department acknowledged this role when it asked the microblogging site to hold off on a software update so as not to interfere with use by Iranian protesters. Twitter is currently banned in Iran. Also in 2009, the Chinese government blocked access to Facebook in order to curtail communication between independence activists rioting in Xinjiang. Twitter, Google search, and Youtube are blocked behind the Great Firewall of China to this day.

    Anonymous web browsing, such as onion routing via Tor or a comparable mechanism, provides a route around censorship and persecution. Individuals can breathe free on American-run sites, they just have to wear a hoodie.

    Yet, according to a recent paper, some of the world’s largest sites are cutting off access to anonymous users. Site providers can easily detect when a user is accessing it from an anonymous origin, and now many are restricting certain uses or precluding access altogether. The authors describe this as “second-class treatment.”

    Google is one site that limits search functions to anonymous users. Some companies have done the opposite. In 2014, Facebook provided a “hidden service,” where users can access the site anonymously and not be curtailed by algorithms that might otherwise block them for fraudulent use. Mark Zuckerberg once said, “How can you connect the whole world if you leave out 1.6 billion people?”

    This state of affairs is a common one in the privacy v. security debate. Blocking anonymous use is meant to curtail criminal use. This comes at the cost of denying innocent users, such as those seeking a refuge of communication and connection to the world when oppressive regimes won’t allow it.

    It is up to American companies, not the American government, to decide whether to stamp the ticket.

    Paper: https://www.internetsociety.org/sites/default/files/blogs-media/do-you-see-what-i-see-differential-treatment-anonymous-users.pdf

  • PRG News Roundup: February 24th

    Supreme Court hears oral argument on key exclusionary rule case: http://www.scotusblog.com/2016/02/argument-analysis-court-closely-divided-on-the-exclusionary-rule/

    House Judiciary Committee meets on February 25 on International Conflicts of Law Concerning Cross Border Data Flow and Law Enforcement Requests: https://www.govtrack.us/congress/committees/calendar

    Georgetown Law Conference: The Colors of Surveillance, on racial bias of government monitoring. April 8, 2016: http://www.law.georgetown.edu/news/press-releases/the-color-of-surveillance-georgetown-law-conference-to-explore-racial-bias-of-government-monitoring.cfm

    New German law authorizing privacy “class actions”: http://www.dataprotectionreport.com/2016/02/2866/

  • Privacy and Reporting Child Abuse

    Privacy and Reporting Child Abuse

    By: Charles Kopel

    Privacy law came to the fore last month in Ontario, when two provincial government officials undertook a new public awareness campaign. Privacy Commissioner Brian Beamish teamed up with Advocate for Children and Youth Irwin Elman to improve responses to situations of suspected child abuse by “dispelling myths surrounding information sharing with children’s aid societies.”

    As reported by the Toronto Star, the project’s immediate motivation was a coroner’s inquest into the tragic 2002 starvation death of five-year-old Jeffrey Baldwin. Baldwin died in the care of his maternal grandparents, who were subsequently convicted of second-degree murder and sentenced to life in prison. The inquest jury discovered that police officers and school board officials who had knowledge of Baldwin’s predicament did not know what private information they were legally permitted to share with children’s aid workers. In response to the jury’s call for clarification of this legal standard, Beamish and Elman have published a 15-page educational booklet, titled Yes, You Can, and distributed it to relevant public servants. A link to the booklet can be found in the Star article.

    The principle is very straightforward: Under Ontario law, any person who reasonably suspects that a child is in need of protection must report the situation to a children’s aid society. In the face of such situations, all privacy law restrictions fall away. If necessary, teachers must divulge schooling records, healthcare professionals must divulge medical records, police must divulge criminal records, and social services staff must tell investigators all pertinent information.

    I was drawn to this story by my interest in child welfare law, and I see it as a useful illustration of the practical relevance of privacy rights to diverse circumstances and concerns. The rules of privacy law impact and complicate legal determinations in many areas outside of the major bodies of jurisprudence of consumer privacy and law enforcement.

    This story also provides an interesting glimpse of societal attitudes towards privacy rights, if only anecdotally. In a humorous moment in the Star article, Beamish is quoted as saying, “As privacy commissioner, I’m glad people have (privacy) top of mind, but there are occasions (when) not only may information be disclosed, but it must be disclosed…” It seems that, despite the typical lack of zealousness for protecting personal data on the Internet, Western people do have an intuitive sense for the inviolability of the private information of others, even when the social utility of exposing that information is as clear as in this case. A hierarchy of values emerges from the legal conclusion here, subordinating the child’s interest in informational privacy—in being “let alone”—to his/her interest in freedom from bodily and severe emotional harm.

     

     

  • Privacy Blog: About Ned

    Privacy Blog: About Ned

    By: Alec Webley

    Modern privacy law in the United States is often traced to “The Right to Privacy,” a law review article written by Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis in the late nineteenth century. Arguing for protection for invasions of privacy through the tort law, the article served as a seminal point of reference in ongoing debates about the right of the state and private individuals to enter the private lives of U.S. citizens (helped, no doubt, by the elevation of one of its authors to the United States Supreme Court).

    The origins of the article were conventionally thought to be Warren’s irritation about the media’s coverage of his daughter’s wedding, an anecdote that forms a treasured part of a law professor’s repartee when teaching the privacy torts. It turns out, however, that the truth is stranger and more interesting.

    In a new piece for the Harvard Law Review Forum, NYU’s Charles Colman recounts the story of Samuel Warren’s brother Ned, who was as close to being “openly gay” as it was possible to be in the late nineteenth century (as the first period of what we would today identify as anti-gay hysteria began to sweep the nation). Ned was, in more ways than one, Samuel’s skeleton in the closet—revelation of Ned’s same-sex attraction would have seriously damaged Samuel’s reputation. Samuel’s only protection was privacy, and Ned’s own decision to live largely in seclusion at the family manor.

    Colman is right, I think, to point to cases like Ned’s in linking privacy as it is commonly understood (our ability to keep parts of our lives away from others) to privacy in the constitutional, substantive due process sense (such as in Griswold v. Connecticut). After all, it is precisely those most intimate details about our lives—our sexuality, our families—where we are as intolerant to the gaze of the state as we are of the public.

    But Colman could afford to take this analysis a step further. Ned would not have needed to remain private about his same-sex attraction (his interest in Gracean urns is another matter) if he had lived in 2015. I think there is some cause to suspect that one of the reasons homosexuality has become more commonly accepted is because it is more difficult to keep it private; as we learn more about each other’s lives it becomes harder to vilify them. By designating certain parts of our lives as private, are we helping to create the conditions that make them necessarily so? Broader tolerance of non-conformity to familial and sexuality conventions may well be as essential as good privacy law in smoothing our society’s passage into the Information Age.